オバマ ノーベル賞 スピーチ

『オバマ大統領 ノーベル賞 スピーチ』の関連ニュース. Our actions matter, and can bend history in the direction of justice. Some will kill, and some will be killed. Still, we are at war, and I'm responsible for the deployment of thousands of young Americans to battle in a distant land. We have borne this burden not because we seek to impose our will. Yes, terrible wars have been fought, and atrocities committed. それらを見れば、オバマ氏が「ノーベル平和賞だ」などと、吉本新喜劇でも採用しないコントであることがよく分かる。 政治とは結果. Tweet, Posted by: BlogPetのsleepy | December 24, 2009 02:21 PM, Email Address: ノーベル賞、なぜ私でない？＝トランプ氏が不満表明 【ロンドン＝土佐茂生】ノルウェーのノーベル賞委員会は9日、09年のノーベル平和賞を、バラク・オバマ米大統領（48）に授与すると発表した。 The world may no longer shudder at the prospect of war between two nuclear superpowers, but proliferation may increase the risk of catastrophe. 去年の11月だったかそのぐらいにオバマ米大統領がノーベル賞を受賞した。イラクへの米軍増派などでノーベル平和賞の受賞が果たして妥当であるかということについて疑問視する声があったり、ノーベル賞委員会の思惑があるのではないかという話もあったりした。 As Dr. King said at this occasion so many years ago, "I refuse to accept despair as the final response to the ambiguities of history. That's why all responsible nations must embrace the role that militaries with a clear mandate can play to keep the peace. Those who claim to respect international law cannot avert their eyes when those laws are flouted. To begin with, I believe that all nations -- strong and weak alike -- must adhere to standards that govern the use of force. Agreements among nations. War, in one form or another, appeared with the first man. Furthermore, America -- in fact, no nation -- can insist that others follow the rules of the road if we refuse to follow them ourselves. And sadly, it will continue to be true in unstable regions for years to come. I refuse to accept the idea that the 'isness' of man's present condition makes him morally incapable of reaching up for the eternal 'oughtness' that forever confronts him." We see it in nations that are torn asunder by tribal lines. America has never fought a war against a democracy, and our closest friends are governments that protect the rights of their citizens. There is little scientific dispute that if we do nothing, we will face more drought, more famine, more mass displacement -- all of which will fuel more conflict for decades. 共同：オバマ米大統領ノーベル平和賞受賞演説の全文（日本語訳)　 I know that engagement with repressive regimes lacks the satisfying purity of indignation. In light of the Cultural Revolution's horrors, Nixon's meeting with Mao appeared inexcusable -- and yet it surely helped set China on a path where millions of its citizens have been lifted from poverty and connected to open societies. Let me also say this: The promotion of human rights cannot be about exhortation alone. >>> オバマ大統領の他の名言を見てみる >>> 偉人の名言を見てみる. It is undoubtedly true that development rarely takes root without security; it is also true that security does not exist where human beings do not have access to enough food, or clean water, or the medicine and shelter they need to survive. But they remind us that no Holy War can ever be a just war. We lose ourselves when we compromise the very ideals that we fight to defend. This brings me to a second point -- the nature of the peace that we seek. アとの間に第四次戦略兵器削減条約(新start)を結んでいる。 先住民政策 | JIN-仁- DVD-BOX 3月発売 », War and Peace in Oslo | The White House « オバマのアフガニスタン新戦略演説 | ェル・オバマに惚れ直しそうw(2016.08.07) オバマのプラハ演説 核廃絶宣言(2016.05.28) I raise this point, I begin with this point because in many countries there is a deep ambivalence about military action today, no matter what the cause. Even those of us with the best of intentions will at times fail to right the wrongs before us. We can admit the intractability of depravation, and still strive for dignity. Strong institutions. And the closer we stand together, the less likely we will be faced with the choice between armed intervention and complicity in oppression. Copyright©1999-2020 Rakuten Securities, Inc. All Rights Reserved. We lose our moral compass. And then there are the men and women around the world who have been jailed and beaten in the pursuit of justice; those who toil in humanitarian organizations to relieve suffering; the unrecognized millions whose quiet acts of courage and compassion inspire even the most hardened cynics. Like generations have before us, we must reject that future. A non-violent movement could not have halted Hitler's armies. For peace is not merely the absence of visible conflict. "Let us focus," he said, "on a more practical, more attainable peace, based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutions." We must begin by acknowledging the hard truth: We will not eradicate violent conflict in our lifetimes. I understand why war is not popular, but I also know this: The belief that peace is desirable is rarely enough to achieve it. Let us live by their example. I face the world as it is, and cannot stand idle in the face of threats to the American people. I reject these choices. Billions have been lifted from poverty. による ノーベル平和賞授与演説 これはピースボートによる非公式訳であり、英語の原文（以下のリンク）の著作権は© the nobel foundation, stockholm, 2017にある。 But the world must remember that it was not simply international institutions -- not just treaties and declarations -- that brought stability to a post-World War II world. Concretely, we must direct our effort to the task that President Kennedy called for long ago. For when we don't, our actions appear arbitrary and undercut the legitimacy of future interventions, no matter how justified. It was this insight that drove drafters of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights after the Second World War. 外サイトではどんな反応が上がっているのか、いつかご紹介します。 Third, a just peace includes not only civil and political rights -- it must encompass economic security and opportunity. One of these wars is winding down. It solves no social problem: it merely creates new and more complicated ones." In today's wars, many more civilians are killed than soldiers; the seeds of future conflict are sown, economies are wrecked, civil societies torn asunder, refugees amassed, children scarred. That is why I ordered the prison at Guantanamo Bay closed. Those who seek peace cannot stand idly by as nations arm themselves for nuclear war. At the dawn of history, its morality was not questioned; it was simply a fact, like drought or disease -- the manner in which tribes and then civilizations sought power and settled their differences. The Nobel Committee recognized this truth in awarding its first prize for peace to Henry Dunant -- the founder of the Red Cross, and a driving force behind the Geneva Conventions. And so, a quarter century after the United States Senate rejected the League of Nations -- an idea for which Woodrow Wilson received this prize -- America led the world in constructing an architecture to keep the peace: a Marshall Plan and a United Nations, mechanisms to govern the waging of war, treaties to protect human rights, prevent genocide, restrict the most dangerous weapons. I make this statement mindful of what Martin Luther King Jr. said in this same ceremony years ago: "Violence never brings permanent peace. Let me make one final point about the use of force. We also know that the opposite is true. We can do that -- for that is the story of human progress; that's the hope of all the world; and at this moment of challenge, that must be our work here on Earth. In the middle of the last century, nations agreed to be bound by a treaty whose bargain is clear: All will have access to peaceful nuclear power; those without nuclear weapons will forsake them; and those with nuclear weapons will work towards disarmament. Sanctions must exact a real price. Somewhere today, in this world, a young protestor awaits the brutality of her government, but has the courage to march on. The capacity of human beings to think up new ways to kill one another proved inexhaustible, as did our capacity to exempt from mercy those who look different or pray to a different God. And yet this truth must coexist with another -- that no matter how justified, war promises human tragedy. Pent-up grievances fester, and the suppression of tribal and religious identity can lead to violence. In the span of 30 years, such carnage would twice engulf this continent. I do not bring with me today a definitive solution to the problems of war. And I'm working with President Medvedev to reduce America and Russia's nuclear stockpiles. 何度も繰り返し言っていることだが、政治とは大衆を惑わすことじゃあない。 政治とは結果だ。 何を成し遂げたか、だ。 The concept of a "just war" emerged, suggesting that war is justified only when certain conditions were met: if it is waged as a last resort or in self-defense; if the force used is proportional; and if, whenever possible, civilians are spared from violence. 今日は何の日？　経済、政治、社会に影響を与えた、今日同じ日の歴史を、当時の日経平均株価、ドル/円の為替レートとともに振り返ります。. （1）オバマ演説集 岩波新書 オバマ／〔述〕 岩波書店 2010．1 （日販マーク内容紹介）バラク・オバマの名をアメリカ中に知らしめた2004年の民主党全国大会の演説から、09年の大統領就任演説、そしてノーベル平和賞受賞講演までを収録したオバマ演説集の決定版。 Somewhere today, in the here and now, in the world as it is, a soldier sees he's outgunned, but stands firm to keep the peace. 本演説と「核なき世界」に向けた国際社会への働きかけ（原文："a world without nuclear weapons"）が評価され、オバマは2009å¹´ 10月9日にノーベル平和賞を受賞した。 And we honor -- we honor those ideals by upholding them not when it's easy, but when it is hard. Pope John Paul's engagement with Poland created space not just for the Catholic Church, but for labor leaders like Lech Walesa. No repressive regime can move down a new path unless it has the choice of an open door. But we do not have to think that human nature is perfect for us to still believe that the human condition can be perfected. I cannot argue with those who find these men and women -- some known, some obscure to all but those they help -- to be far more deserving of this honor than I.

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